What is unfolding feels all too familiar, a replay of the situation where the President appears more intent on placating Congress than on initiating genuine reform.

The proposed 2026 national budget clearly reflects this priority: a compromise with Congress, rather than reform, comes first.

Former Senate President Franklin Drilon said his declining survey ratings have much to do with his becoming a lame duck, susceptible to deal-making with legislators to survive.

“I see the House of Representatives pulling his face and saying that only one out of five supports you,” Drilon said.

Efforts to bolster his ratings are evident in the announcements he issues, which should be made by the Department of Foreign Affairs or the Department of Justice.

“He’s not supposed to do that, but he’s doing that because he thinks it will bring his ratings up. Everything is in the name of ratings. Unfortunately, I don’t think this will improve the President’s ratings. His capitulation to Congress will make it worse,” Drilon pointed out.

Thus, the better option for Mr. Marcos is to defy Congress, which would be unprecedented but should help him raise his numbers.

That, however, will depend on “how effective the political power in Malacañang will be in the next two and a half years.”

Drilon underlined that “they’re concerned, actually.”

Marcos, or any other president, is mainly concerned with the changes that will result from the next election.

In 1961, the presidential election result was close but decisive: Diosdado Macapagal won with approximately 3.55 million votes (55 percent) to Carlos Garcia’s 2.9 million (45 percent).

Garcia initially conceded but soon alleged widespread fraud and irregularities, leading him to file a formal protest.

When asked why he filed a protest, Drilon quoted Garcia as saying, “You do not know what power is until you sit in Malacañang.”

“That’s precisely what President Marcos today is thinking about — the loss of power that will result from the expiration of his office.”

The so-called transactional politics involves an exchange of political support, resources and favors for loyalty and legislative cooperation.

It is reflected in Mr. Marcos’ public displays of anti-corruption and institutional reforms, but with evident accommodations to Congress, particularly through budgetary allocations or allocables.

These are congressional insertions into agencies such as the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH), which have been criticized as a revived form of pork barrel.

In the 2025 General Appropriations Act (GAA), district lawmakers received substantial DPWH allocations totaling around P356 billion, with administration allies in the House as top recipients.

Drilon labeled this as unchecked pork, reminding the public that the 2028 elections are approaching.

The flood control projects scandal, which Marcos initially denounced and addressed through an Independent Commission for Infrastructure (ICI), implicated allies and prompted public protests demanding accountability.

Yet, prior budgetary leniency toward congressional projects was seen by detractors as a quid pro quo for legislative support.

Programs such as the Ayuda para sa Kapos ang Kita (AKAP), Medical Assistance for Indigent and Financially Incapacitated Patients (MAIFIP), and Assistance to Individuals in Crisis Situations (AICS) have also been compared to pork, with billions in discretionary funds criticized for potential misuse in building political networks.

President Marcos’ moves are increasingly being exposed as political theater dressed up as governance.