The latest Pulse Asia survey from 23 to 29 March revealed a staggering decline in PBBM’s trust rating, plummeting from 42 percent in February to a mere 25 percent — a 17-percentage point drop in just one month. Meanwhile, his distrust rating surged from 32 percent to 54 percent.

This alarming slide signals a crisis for the Marcos administration, one that its Presidential Communications Office (PCO) seems ill-equipped to address. The administration’s current strategy — blame “fake news” while engaging in tit-for-tat online trolling — has proven ineffective against the sophisticated social media playbook of the Duterte forces.

To regain the public trust and counter disinformation, the PBBM administration must overhaul its approach, adopt a professional counter-disinformation strategy and collaborate with platforms like Meta and TikTok.

The Duterte social media machinery, honed since 2016, exploits the Pinoy’s heavy reliance on Facebook for news consumption. With over 80 million Filipino Facebook users, the platform is a battleground for shaping public opinion. The Duterte playbook is clear: manufacture low-effort fake news for maximum impact, craft plausible narratives to deceive the masses, and hide behind “free speech” to evade accountability.

A recent example was the “polvoron deepfake” video, a blatantly fabricated clip suggesting the President uses drugs. Despite its obvious falsity, Duterte’s allies spun a narrative demanding the President take a drug test, implying guilt if he refuses. This absurd logic resonates with a segment of the population, fueled by what Filipino sociologists call “Dutertismo” — a mindset that prioritizes emotions over facts.

This strategy isn’t new; it draws from global disinformation tactics. The Duterte machinery mirrors Russian interference in the 2016 US election, which used troll farms to sow division, and Cambridge Analytica’s psychological manipulation techniques, which targeted voters with tailored propaganda. It also adopts China’s online influence operations, which suppress dissent through coordinated narratives.

Locally, these tactics blend with traditional smear campaigns, creating a potent mix that overwhelms the PCO’s reactive approach. The arrest of former President Rodrigo Duterte appears to have galvanized his online supporters, with old accounts repurposed to amplify the disinformation.

The Pulse Asia survey results suggest these efforts are outmaneuvering the administration’s communications strategy.

Undersecretary Claire Castro’s current approach — engaging trolls directly — has backfired, escalating polarization and triggering backlash that further radicalizes Duterte’s base. This tit-for-tat trolling plays into the hands of the Duterte machinery, which thrives on chaos and victimhood narratives.

By wrapping propaganda in legitimate criticism, Duterte’s allies blur the line between dissent and disinformation, shielding their fake news with “free speech” arguments. This tactic makes countermeasures appear as censorship, suppression of valid criticism, or even an attack on democracy itself, maintaining plausible deniability and public sympathy.

In the immediate term, the PBBM administration must adopt a professional counter-disinformation strategy, inspired by global best practices.

Governments and organizations worldwide have established specialized units — often called “troll hunters” — to combat online propaganda. Ukraine’s “InfoSpetsnaz” team counters Russian disinformation, while the EU’s “East StratCom Task Force” exposes Kremlin narratives. Even Meta maintains a Counter-Disinformation Team to disrupt inauthentic activity.

A local equivalent, such as a Digital Forensics or Counter-Narrative Team, could expose fake news sources, reduce the spread of disinformation, and promote factual counter-narratives. Such a unit would need to operate transparently to avoid accusations of censorship, focusing on evidence-based debunking rather than emotional sparring.

Collaboration with Meta is critical. The platform’s Counter-Disinformation Team can remove fake accounts, disrupt troll farms, and reduce disinformation in real time. The government should provide Meta with evidence of coordinated campaigns, such as those linked to the polvoron video, while Meta could share intelligence to support legal action against influencers behind these networks.

Transparency by Meta on actions taken — such as account suspensions or content removals — would bolster public trust.

The PBBM administration cannot govern effectively while Duterte’s online trolls dominate the narratives. Continuing the current strategy risks further eroding trust, with the March 2025 Pulse Asia survey serving as a wake-up call.

By establishing a counter-disinformation unit, partnering with Meta, and fostering media literacy, the administration can weaken Dutertismo’s grip and refocus on governance.

The stakes are high: Without a strategic overhaul, the Marcos presidency risks being defined by the very fake news it seeks to combat.