Game of musical chairs
The complete dissolution of the UniTeam coalition, shattered by the transactional rift between the Marcos and Duterte camps, further accelerated these self-serving maneuvers.
As President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. approaches the final years of his six-year term, Malacañang is undergoing a typical end-of-term Cabinet reshuffling in preparation for the 2028 elections.
With time running out for the administration, the recent game of musical chairs appears to be aimed at addressing the remaining goals and concerns of both the administration and its allies.
Former Taguig Mayor Lino Cayetano has recently taken office as the new Secretary of the Presidential Communications Office (PCO). He is the sixth communications chief appointed under this administration.
His appointment appears to reflect two goals for the administration: first, to apply a divide-and-rule tactic among the Cayetano siblings, and second, to leverage former Mayor Cayetano’s expertise and professional background in effectively communicating Malacañang’s messages to the public.
PCO Undersecretary Claire Castro has remained a consistent presence in the PCO despite the high turnover rate within the office. Appointed in February 2025, she was retained by Cayetano, who referred to her as a “treasure” for the government.
Public and media opinions about her role are divided. Supporters argue that her professional background provides stability to the Palace briefings, while critics claim that her troll-like responses shift the public’s focus from Malacañang’s achievements to her personality.
Concurrently, a major structural adjustment occurred within the state’s infrastructure portfolios.
PCO Secretary Cayetano announced that Secretaries Vince Dizon and Giovanni “Banoy” Lopez have swapped Cabinet positions.
Dizon, who moved from the Department of Transportation to the Department of Public Works and Highways in 2025, has returned to the DoTr. Lopez, meanwhile, has moved from the DoTr to take over at the DPWH.
Malacañang presents this Cabinet reshuffle as a strategic maneuver to expedite infrastructure reforms. While this explanation may seem plausible to some, those with a more cynical perspective might perceive deeper motives at play.
Beyond the announcement from the PCO, there are several potential underlying reasons for Cabinet members being reassigned to different positions, one of which could relate to the 2027 national budget.
This consideration is particularly important given that the proposed 2027 national budget, already approved by the House of Representatives, has faced significant criticism from budget watchdogs for including both hard and soft pork barrel allocations.
By bringing Dizon back to the DoTr, Malacañang hopes to mitigate the risks associated with Dizon’s reform-minded approach at the DPWH. It is also possible that reassigning Dizon allows Malacañang to shield a valuable political asset from the public scrutiny and controversies that will inevitably arise during the disbursement of the contentious DPWH funds.
Since Lopez has no known political ambitions for 2028, he can handle the political fallout and administrative criticism that come with the implementation of public works projects. Ultimately, this swap enables the administration to smoothly implement the budget to satisfy regional allies while preserving Dizon’s electoral viability.
The complete dissolution of the “UniTeam” coalition, shattered by the transactional rift between the Marcos and Duterte camps, further accelerated these self-serving maneuvers. Within this framework, pork, patronage politics, and strengthening the administration’s narrative are the keys to this administration’s achievement of its unfinished business and possible continuity after 2028.
For President Marcos Jr., navigating the remainder of his term requires managing a shrinking circle of opportunistic allies through a purely transactional model. The frequent Cabinet shuffles, including the strategic protection of key political candidates from budget-related scrutiny, do not reflect a standard administrative cleanup. They are, instead, calculated steps to keep the patronage machinery running smoothly.
As the 2028 electoral contest approaches, the survival of the administration’s legacy depends entirely on its ability to effectively weaponize these traditional levers of power before its institutional relevance completely evaporates.