It would be easy to imagine robust cheers coming from US President Donald Trump’s MAGA realm in welcoming the possibility of his running for a third term even as one would be right to surmise that many from the opposite camp would be gnashing their teeth in reaction to Trump’s telling NBC News last Sunday that he was “not joking… a lot of people want me to do it.”

Of course, any attempt to pursue a third term would go against the 22nd Amendment to the US Constitution which categorically states that “No person shall be elected to the office of the president more than twice.”

However, Trump told NBC News “Meet the Press” host Kristen Welker, “There are methods by which you could do it.”

Trump being Trump, who’d want to bet he would actually give it shot — run for President a third time?

If he does make yet another run for the White House and makes it, how would the world, particularly Asia and the Philippines, react to Trump being US chief of state again in 2028?

That prospect would most likely elicit mixed reactions across Asia, reflecting the region’s diverse political, economic and strategic interests.

Diverse as these interests might be, a continuation of Trump’s “America First” policy, characterized by trade protectionism and a transactional approach to diplomacy, which is now reshaping US relations with the world, could deepen existing tensions.

In terms of economics, the stress Trump puts on bilateral trade deals and tariffs could further strain relations with major Asian economies like China, Japan and South Korea.

Countries heavily reliant on exports to the US, such as Vietnam and the Philippines, might have to brace for disruptions to supply chains and even more trade barriers.

Meanwhile, nations with thriving domestic markets would very well seek to diversify their trade partnerships, effecting less dependence on the United States.

Strategically, Trump’s unpredictable foreign policy could intensify regional security concerns. His approach to alliances, including demands for more financial contributions from partners like Japan and South Korea, could very well weaken traditional security arrangements.

Meanwhile, his ambivalent position on China, swinging back and forth between confrontation and negotiation, could further complicate the already tenuous balance of power in the Indo-Pacific.

In Southeast Asia, Trump’s policies could test ASEAN unity. The regional bloc has long sought to maintain a neutral stance in the face of the great power rivalries, but a third term for Trump could very well intensify the pressure to choose sides.

Issues such as the South China Sea disputes and the humanitarian crises in volatile countries such as Myanmar could become focal points of US engagement, potentially dividing member states based on their alignments with the US or China, with smaller nations struggling to navigate the ever-growing rivalry between the two superpowers.

The Philippines, by virtue of its being a key US ally in the region, would certainly face unique challenges. It has, historically, been reliant on its defense alliance with the US to counterbalance Red Chinese assertiveness, nay, aggression in the South China Sea.

Trump’s ascension to the presidency for a third term would bring renewed focus on this partnership between the US and the Philippines, but it could also come with demands for greater financial contributions or concessions.

Already, talks are being conducted in the US Congress led by Republican senators, including Nebraska Sen. Pete Ricketts in the Senate foreign relations committee, of a possibility that the US government would ask the Philippines to contribute as much as 2 percent of its GDP for security and defense purposes.

It wouldn’t be farfetched to see the Philippines holding debates over the benefits and drawbacks of aligning closely with the US, particularly if Trump’s policies are perceived to be overly transactional or inconsistent.

By and large, a third term for Trump will most likely amplify existing challenges and uncertainties in US-Asia relations, and with other countries beyond the region.

While some nations might adapt by seeking alternative partnerships or strengthening regional cooperation, others could face heightened economic and strategic pressures.

For ASEAN and the Philippines, the key would be to balance competing interests and chart a path forward that safeguards sovereignty and regional stability in a global landscape that is certain to be made more complex and fraught with challenges should Trump run again and America allows him yet another volatile term in the White House in 2028.