Senate showdown all set
The real drama, and the true test of political will, lies not in the House but in the Senate, where the proceedings ultimately come down to basic arithmetic.
Daily TribuneThe real drama, and the true test of political will, lies not in the House but in the Senate, where the proceedings ultimately come down to basic arithmetic.
By the looks of it, the House of Representatives is once again moving toward the impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte, and the outcome of the ongoing clarificatory probe appears all but certain.
The complaints — centered on allegations of unexplained wealth, misuse of confidential funds, and public threats against President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. — have cleared initial hurdles and are moving through the House Committee on Justice, albeit without the presence of the respondent.
The real drama, and the true test of political will, lies not in the House but in the Senate, where the proceedings ultimately come down to basic arithmetic.
Vicente Sotto III pledged to act “with dispatch” and “definitely forthwith” once any articles of impeachment reach the upper chamber.
“As soon as the Senate receives it,” he said, “I will inform the Senate and refer it to the Committee on Rules.”
In a dinner meeting with senators to discuss preparations, the Rules of Court and the Senate’s own impeachment rules — sui generis, he noted, a hybrid of judicial and legislative procedure — were placed on the table.
With an array of senators who are mostly novices and lack experience in legal proceedings, the Senate leader’s concern about the court’s quality is well-founded.
He warned, “Hindi pwedeng mangangapa tayo,” meaning they cannot be caught groping in the dark when objections arise or when the presiding officer puts questions to the body.
The Senate could convene as an impeachment court as early as 4 May, days after its regular session resumes.
When the late Chief Justice Renato Corona was impeached in December 2011, the Senate acted within 48 hours of receiving the articles of impeachment.
Sotto envisions a practical division of labor, with Senate sessions on Tuesdays and Thursdays and the impeachment court convening on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays to allow legislative work, including the 2027 budget, to move forward.
Conviction and removal require a two-thirds vote of the Senate’s 24 members, or 16 affirmative votes.
The outcome would have to take into account the post-2025 midterm Senate, a fragmented chamber.
The Marcos-aligned Alyansa bloc controls roughly a dozen seats, but the Duterte camp retains quiet sympathy from several senators.
In all, the administration remains far short of the 16 votes needed.
For the Marcos administration, it is an opportunity to air evidence of alleged irregularities involving confidential funds and to portray the Dutertes as unwilling to submit to accountability.
For VP Duterte, the trial is a stage on which she can cast herself as the embattled heir to her father’s populist legacy, ironically hounded by the very administration she once helped elect.
She described the complaints as “political harassment” and has taken the familiar route of petitioning the Supreme Court of the Philippines for relief after the successful 2025 maneuver that archived an earlier set of complaints.
On 18 February, she announced a 2028 presidential bid, timed after the filing of new complaints, transforming the impeachment conflict into an extended 2028 campaign battle.
An acquittal would not merely clear her name but also burnish her image as a survivor of elite intrigue.
The flipside is messy and could drag on for months.
Sotto, invoking his experience as a senator-judge in the impeachment trials of former President Joseph Estrada and Corona, insisted on impartiality.
The public would witness a spectacle testing whether accountability or partisan loyalty ultimately prevails.
The risk for her most fervent critics is that VP Duterte emerges from the ordeal politically intact, as the numbers may not add up to her removal.
In the information age, however, half the battle for crucial public opinion — which can splinter even the strongest political alliance — will likely be fought on social media.