The House of Representatives made headlines in 2024: from its “ambitious” but stillborn push for Charter change to its surprising probe into the Duterte administration’s bloody war on drugs — and more recently, its contentious effort to remove Vice President Sara Duterte from office.
But how far can it go? Certainly, it will start 2025 with a bang, with the looming fourth impeachment complaint set to be lodged against the VP.
House Deputy Minority Leader France Castro, one of the endorsers of the petitions, earlier revealed that the complaints had made no progress because they had not yet reached the Speaker’s Office nor the Committee on Justice, pending Secretary General Reginald Velasco’s go-signal.
Velasco, whom the Constitution mandates to immediately refer the complaints to the Office of the Speaker, admitted this, citing the House of Representatives' legal department’s ongoing review of the merits of the case.
Castro, however, suspects that Velasco may be waiting for the fourth impeachment complaint, likely to be filed in the second week of January when Congress reconvenes after a month-long holiday break.
Critics have long speculated that the House might be playing a waiting game and will take the necessary action once the number of petitions reaches the required ratio vis-a-vis the House membership.
As of year-end, the embattled Duterte faces three impeachment complaints, all accusing her of culpable violation of the Constitution, graft and corruption, bribery, betrayal of public trust, and other high crimes — all grounds for impeachment except treason.
The complainants, coming from multi-sectoral groups, heavily relied on findings by the House Committee on Good Government and Public Accountability, which investigated alleged irregularities in Duterte's use of P612.5 million in confidential funds — P500 million for the Office of the Vice President and P112.5 million for the Department of Education during her tenure as its head.
While the VP has categorically denied any wrongdoing, she remains unfazed, viewing the impending trial as an opportunity to “exclusively” address the corruption allegations leveled against her.
Even before the supposed questionable acknowledgment receipts and fictitious recipients came to light, Duterte hinted that the probe's launch might be part of a stalled plan by the House, which she claimed had been plotting her removal “since last year.”
Talks about Duterte's impeachment first surfaced in mid-2023 after the Speaker Martin Romualdez-led House stripped Duterte of her pursuit of P650 million in secret funds in the 2024 national budget.
The House instead realigned the funds to agencies involved in security and intelligence matters, such as the Philippine Coast Guard, tasked with patrolling the West Philippine Sea amid persistent incursions by China.
This decision, however, did not sit well with the VP’s father, former president Rodrigo Duterte, who argued it was politically motivated and linked to the 2028 national polls.
He accused Romualdez of “posturing to be a candidate for president” and labeled the institution he leads as the “most rotten" in the country. Romualdez has denied the allegations.
The botched plot later sparked a bitter row between the once-hailed tough-talking Duterte family and lawmakers allied with President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.
Just a few months later, the fallout of the UniTeam — the Marcos-Duterte tandem that rose to power — was confirmed when the VP declared her abrupt and irrevocable resignation as Education Secretary, leaving the Cabinet.
The investigation into the VP’s confidential spending, coinciding with allegations of extrajudicial killings tied to her father’s notorious anti-narcotics campaign, has further driven a wedge between Duterte and Marcos.
She has asserted that nothing could mend the strained ties with Marcos, which have already reached “the point of no return.”
With the fallout came significant consequences. The VP is now embroiled in a chaotic clash with over 300 lawmakers in the House, facing serious allegations of corruption and betrayal of public trust.
Although House leaders have remained cautious, avoiding definitive statements on whether they will support efforts to impeach Duterte, they have pledged to act on complaints filed by ordinary Filipino citizens, regardless of the challenges posed by the upcoming mid-term elections.
If Romualdez receives the impeachment complaints, they must be included in the order of business within ten session days of receipt.
Afterward, the complaints should be referred within three session days to the House Committee on Justice, which will determine if they are sufficient in form and substance.
Within 60 session days, the panel must submit its report to the plenary. The House then has 10 session days to calendar it for resolution.
However, based on the House calendar, Congress will only have nine session days when it reconvenes on 13 January after a month-long holiday break. By 7 February, Congress will adjourn again for the election campaign.
After the May 2025 polls, sessions will resume from 2 to 13 June. One month later, a new batch of lawmakers will be sworn in.
The House could also take a shortcut by mustering the required votes of one-third (106 members) to elevate the petitions to the Senate, which will act as the trial court.
The House demonstrated this approach in 2011 when it impeached the late Supreme Court Justice Renato Corona on the same day the complaint was filed.
The Makabayan bloc had already confirmed launching a signature drive to fast-track the proceedings, with some members of the minority coalition having already pledged to support the same.
The president has already appealed to his allies in the House to stop any attempt to remove Duterte from office. The influential religious sect, Iglesia Ni Cristo, had echoed Marcos’ call and has threatened that they will conduct a nationwide rally to oppose the impeachment.
The House, dominated by the VP’s critics, had insisted that although impeachment proceedings against Duterte are not part of the chamber's agenda, they asserted that Congress is constitutionality mandated to act on such regardless of the President’s marching orders.