A Political Myth in BARMM (1)

A Political Myth in BARMM (1) | Daily Tribune

There is a long-running myth among Muslims in the BARMM that if you are anointed by Malacañang as its candidate you are only a step away from victory. There is empirical basis for this belief. And this octogenarian writer has been long exposed to politics in the region both as a player and a keen observer to witness its germination. Is this assumption valid today? Let’s look at how it metamorphosed over the decades in the BARMM.

I posit that the myth started during the long presidency of Marcos Sr. He had a tight grip on power that there was barely any opposition group strong enough to threaten his sway over politics. Even those who dared were nominal and easily crushed by the might of Malacañang. The former president, a politician par excellence, knew how and when to use the power of the presidency, including the constitutional martial law power, to subjugate gadflies and any opposition. He had mastered the art of politics that without his health issue he would have stayed in power longer.

This display of power politics was evident in the Muslim region, especially in the nascent Marcos Sr. version of the two Autonomous Regions of Western and Central Mindanao. This writer had a front row view of the dynamics of the political power play during those times.

In Lanao del Sur, for instance, political power was controlled by a close ally of then President Marcos Sr., the strongman Mohammad Ali Dimaporo. The elections during those times were pilloried as “selections” because whoever was anointed by Malacañang and by extension by Dimaporo was as good as elected. No way could one get elected without the blessing of Dimaporo.

How was this so? The lack of a strong opposition, the weak media, and the malleability of those who manned the elections contributed to the perpetuation of this travesty of democracy. The theoretical independence of the Commission on Elections, the treasurers who were the custodians of the ballots and election paraphernalia, and those safeguarding the process, the military and the police appeared to be effete against the wishes of the powers-that-be.

And this continued even after the exit of President Marcos Sr. We can recall such embarrassing episodes as the “Hello Garci” scandal and many tales of how elections were manipulated. This assumption thrived through the years and the present clique in Malacañang must have thought of trying to apply it.

These thoughts played on our mind because of the recent call of Malacañang to the Local Chief Executives of the BARMM to convene for a caucus at the Palace. The LCEs were surprised by the presence of Governor Jun Tamayo of South Cotabato who happens to be the president of the Partido Federal ng Pilipinas, the party of President Marcos Jr.

As we mentioned in our last article, there was much apprehension about Malacañang imposing its will on the LCEs as to whom to support in the parliamentary election, especially in the contest for Chief Minister. The administration wants a sustained support of its national policies and its national candidates in the 2025 election up to the 2028 polls.

Fortunately, any interference by Malacañang in the coming parliamentary election is now disdained by many LCEs as undemocratic and an insult to the concept of self-determination or autonomy for which the Muslims had fought for decades.

Any pressure on the present-day Muslim leaders might be counter-productive. And we see snippets of rebellion against the perceived wishes of Malacañang on who should be supported by the LCEs.

The myth of the past no longer holds true.