It is common in the Philippines to see many members of the same family, from father and mother to cousins and other relatives, vying for national and local elective positions. This widespread phenomenon of political dynasties is a stark reality that demands our attention.

It is expected to see candidates for positions in the Senate, provinces, cities, towns, barangays, and even party-list groups who are related by blood, or direct descendants of a particular clan, legitimate or illegitimate, full or half-blood. If all or some of them were to win, it would result in a full-fledged political dynasty.

One might think it’s an exaggeration, but it’s not. The prevalence of political dynasties in the Philippines and other countries is a stark reality, albeit with varying degrees of perpetuation.

The 1987 Constitution takes a firm stance against political dynasties, explicitly prohibiting their establishment. This constitutional provision has sparked extensive discussions and debates, shedding light on the profound impact of political dynasties on the country’s political and economic landscape.

Fat dynasties are characterized by multiple family members concurrently holding elective positions within a specific local government unit for a continuous three-year period.

On the other hand, thin dynasties involve two family members taking turns occupying certain elected political positions after a maximum of three terms or after nine years.

The same constitutional provision says that “the state shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service,” which is usually invoked by those affected by the label.

The Philippines comprises 80 provinces, and an overwhelming 94 percent, or 73 out of 80, have political dynasties. It means that in each province, at least two influential political families have held power for multiple generations.

Political dynasties are a reality that the Constitution’s framers failed to address, leaving the remedy to Congress, whose members face a conflict of interest on this matter.

While a select few families manage to establish successful political dynasties, the majority do not. This stark contrast underscores a systemic issue of unequal opportunity, as it fails to provide a level playing field for children and relatives from less privileged backgrounds, hindering their access to public service.

The country’s political spectrum is so polarized that only a few families stand out.

Lesser known candidates from non-dynastic clans often find themselves at a disadvantage, struggling to compete against descendants of wealthy, influential families. This imbalance, fueled by political networks and nepotism, is a clear injustice.

However, judging individuals solely on their family background would be unfair. Certain members of influential families may possess the qualities and skills necessary to excel in politics and become excellent and respected public servants.

While dynasties can offer a sense of stability and continuity, they can also have the potential to produce the opposite.

The errors committed by inexperienced heirs can significantly impact on the well-being of the people they serve. Some argue that even experienced heirs, or no heirs at all, can also cause similar hardships. The distinction lies in the level of the resulting public suffering or expectations.

I intend to run for a mayoral seat in Cebu City in the 12 May 2025 elections. I won’t list the political dynasties that have dominated Cebu politics, as it may lead to me being labeled a sore loser in a political contest that has not started, especially when the filing of the certificates of candidacy has not even begun.

As always, the call for the abolition of political dynasties usually becomes an afterthought when members of political dynasties file their certificates of candidacy and when they win.

While it may seem daunting, the electorate has the power to break this cycle. Taking a stand can pave the way for swift progress and a more inclusive political landscape.

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