Lino’s fealty rewarded

A breakdown of the Singapore surprise — in which President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. casually indicated that he was replacing Presidential Communications Office Secretary Dave Gomez, whom he claimed had been bypassed by the Commission on Appointments — signaled a ramp-up of preparations for the 2028 polls.

Gomez’s effective booting out was announced along with Marcos’ confirmation of the removal of Department of Information and Communications Technology (DICT) Secretary Henry Aguda, whose termination, strangely, was announced by Ombudsman Jesus Crispin Remulla.

Bringing Lino Cayetano into the Cabinet is seen as a deliberate political move — installing a communications chief who is media-savvy as well as politically useful in underscoring the division within a prominent political family.

Cayetano’s appointment simultaneously solves a practical vacancy, rewards a loyalist from a powerful political clan, and publicly advertises the rift between the pro-administration and opposition branches of the Cayetano family.

Marcos needed to date Cayetano’s appointment to 12 October, before Congress adjourned.

The Palace, as is its wont, leaked the appointment ahead of the announcement, effectively putting Marcos in a position to confirm it during the media briefing, “Kapihan sa Singapore.”

Cayetano’s appointment came after Gomez was supposedly bypassed, requiring the President to name a replacement.

The Cabinet, however, is replete with acting and ad interim secretaries.

They include Executive Secretary Ralph Recto, Public Works and Highways Secretary Vince Dizon, Transportation Secretary Giovanni Lopez, Justice Secretary Fredderick Vida, Finance Secretary Frederick Go, Budget and Management Secretary Kim de Leon, Environment and Natural Resources Secretary Juan Miguel Cuna, Health Secretary Edwin Mercado, Labor and Employment Secretary Francis Tolentino and Tourism Secretary Dita Angara-Mathay.

Despite the number, only Gomez was announced, bypassed and replaced.

Those in the know said Marcos didn’t want to wait until 13 October to appoint Cayetano because that would make the appointment ad interim, which would have to be submitted to the bicameral CA.

“But he would be roasted there in November and might be rejected,” a source said.

So Marcos moved his appointment to 12 October, before Congress went on recess, so he would serve in an acting capacity for one year and wouldn’t need CA confirmation for the posting.

The legislative session was extended from 10 to 12 October to approve the proposed P7.2-trillion national budget for 2027 on third and final reading.

Afterward, the House would begin its nearly monthlong Undas vacation, with both the House and Senate scheduled to resume regular sessions on 9 November.

President Marcos was asked when Cayetano’s appointment became effective, and he said, “When we get back. It’s just a matter of formalizing everything.”

Temporary postings are meant to skirt accountability, which starts with the CA confirmation process. Article VII, Section 16 of the Constitution obliges the President to nominate department heads “with the consent of the Commission on Appointments.”

The Administrative Code of 1987, nonetheless, allows the President to designate temporary officials when the regular chief cannot serve or a vacancy exists, provided the designation does not exceed one year.

The Senate challenged the practice while Congress was in session, arguing that it circumvented CA confirmation.

The Supreme Court upheld the prerogative, reasoning that the power to appoint includes making temporary designations, and that department secretaries, as the President’s alter egos, may be chosen on personal confidence rather than legislative vetting.

The High Tribunal, however, warned against using acting appointments to defeat confirmation altogether.

Gomez’s experience showed the practice’s convenience while reinforcing the perception that Marcos and his cohorts are inclined to bend the law.