Solving a problem like Morolandia

Two days ago, the people of Muslim Mindanao trooped to the polls to cast a vote on their future.

Considered as the last chance for eventual peace in the so-called Land of Promise, Monday’s plebiscite along with that on 6 February was seen by many as the solution to the decades-long Moro secessionist problem, one of Asia’s longest-running conflicts.

“It is said that the BOL is like a rope. Used well, it can hoist the Bangsamoros over the steep wall to realize self-rule. Misused, however, they can hang themselves with it.

Whatever the result, we find it imperative for leaders of the five provinces and four component cities of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) to put aside their personal, tribal and political differences and, through their votes, express their unity and resolve to make the Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL) work for the sake of generations to come.

Jimi Hendrix once wrote, “When the power of love overcomes the love of power, the world will know peace.”

And so, that’s how it seems it should be for the perennially-troubled Morolandia.

Judging by pronouncements made by Bangsamoro leaders, it is almost a certainty that the “Yes” votes will prevail. All right then. What we cannot picture though is the post-plebiscite scenario where opposition to the BOL will be a major challenge as far as peace and order is concerned.

Without the unity and resolve of everybody, the Abu Sayyaf, Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters and the terrorist groups, including the much-feared ISIS, are bound to frustrate the hoped-for Bangsamoro takeoff.

In short, as stakeholders, Muslim leaders such as those belonging to the two rebel factions — the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) — should set aside their differences and lust for power for the BOL to succeed.

The implication of recidivism on the other aspects of Bangsamoro autonomy may be considered minor, yet they also cannot be swept under the rug.

Five provinces and four component cities are the vital core of the proposed Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) or Bangsamoro for short. They compose the failed experiment that is the ARMM.

We can only look back at that time when President Duterte, who knows the Muslim problem in Mindanao like the back of his hand, fast-tracked the drafting of the Bangsamoro Basic Law, forerunner of what we now have as the BOL to finally solve the Moro problem.

As a long-time resident of Mindanao, the first-ever President from the troubled South pushed for the autonomy of Morolandia, knowing that the secessionist problem persisted because of the historical injustices committed to the Muslims.

The BOL, according to him, is meant to correct that injustice. On 26 July last year, the President signed the BOL drawn up on the historic Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB) of 2014.

The landmark legislation was meant to address some of the principal grievances that underlie the decades-long conflict in the South. Aside from the core ARMM territories, at least 10 more provinces may opt to join BARMM. The Bangsamoro government to be created will have greater autonomy over matters such as budgeting, administration of justice, resources and revenues, civil services, culture and language, customary laws, indigenous people’s rights, ancestral domain and natural resources.

It is said the BOL is like a rope. Used well, it can hoist the Bangsamoros over the steep wall to realize self-rule. Misused, however, it can hang themselves with it.

There could be no better time to ratify this historic law, given the known history of failed

peace settlements of the past. Since the Moro conflict involves a dynamic and complex web of actors (i.e. MNLF, MILF, BIFF, Abu Sayyaf and ISIS) that continuously evolves and changes overtime, President Duterte was right in fast-tracking the drafting and ratification of the BOL.

We’re just too glad that both the MNLF, led by Nur Misuari and the MILF, headed by Chairman Al Hajj Murad Ebrahim, are both on board with the BOL, notwithstanding that they still have to iron out whatever differences and disagreements they may have had in the past.

It’s worth noting, too, that Misuari, although left out of the CAB and the BOL process due to his alleged involvement in the 2013 Zamboanga siege, has taken the high road to peace after Duterte asked the court to suspend all warrants of arrest against him.

The MNLF faction of former Sulu Gov. Yusop Jikiri, meanwhile, has assured the government of its support for the landmark law amid efforts to block its implementation

What really is at stake at the BOL plebiscite?

We believe it is not the ratification of BOL per se, but the assurance of the unity and resolve to make Bangsamoro a reality.

Through BOL, the national government has guaranteed Bangsamoro the means needed for sound political and economic autonomous takeoff. Success, however, will greatly depend on the Bangsamoro political and economic leaders. If the autonomy fails to take off as programmed, Bangsamoro will be in trouble.